By Christopher Hill
During this publication, Dr. Christopher Hill breaks new floor by means of proposing a close case learn of the British executive and overseas coverage. he's taking the dramatic interval from the Munich convention of 1938 to the German invasion of the Soviet Union 3 years later and analyzes the styles of argument and effect in the British cupboard. through the use of vast archival fabric, he examines how some distance the powerful personalities of Neville Chamberlain and Winston Churchill have been capable of dominate their cupboards in a space the place major ministers have typically been imagined to workout enormous freedom.
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Extra resources for Cabinet Decisions on Foreign Policy: The British Experience, October 1938-June 1941
Stanley added that any guarantees should thus be 'joint and several', as the attack might fall elsewhere than on Roumania. W. S. Morrison pointed out that if such 'opposition to German aggression' were to be co-ordinated, then only Britain was in a position to organise it. The Marquess of Zetland took a similar line. Hore-Belisha was more specific; he 'was in favour of reconsidering our policy and contracting frank and open alliances with countries such as Poland and Russia' so as to help define the point at which 'we should make our stand'.
Without it, the only practicable policy would be to obtain the support of Turkey and Greece. The Minister of Health, Walter Elliot, twice urged the importance of the USSR. 31 There were even two ministers who voiced qualified doubts about the intrinsic wisdom of increasing the risk of war, by whatever means. Both Lord Maugham and Kingsley Wood accepted that Britain and Germany were converging towards war, but thought 'the right moment' should be chosen; if that moment could be delayed, say until the end of 1939, Britain's position would be stronger.
56 Equally, given that a choice between 32 Cabinet decisions on foreign policy Poland and Russia was in practice being made, there was no attempt to weigh up directly the relative advantages of each as a potential source of co-operation. The basic assumption was that Polish fears of association with the USSR were ineradicable, even understandable, and accordingly that any plan which sought to incorporate both powers was automatically out of court. Moreover there could be no question of ignoring Polish concerns in favour of the wider strategy of an alliance with the Soviet Union, on balance of power grounds, to achieve a serious and generalised deterrent against German aggression.