By Kristin Reed

After a long time of civil struggle and instability, the African kingdom of Angola is experiencing a fantastic financial growth because of its most dear typical source: oil. yet oil extraction--both on- and offshore--is a poisonous treatment for the country's financial ills, with devastating results on either the surroundings and conventional livelihoods. targeting the typical realities of individuals dwelling within the extraction zones, Kristin Reed explores the exclusion, degradation, and violence which are the end result of petrocapitalism in Angola.

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Additional info for Crude Existence: Environment and the Politics of Oil in Northern Angola (Global, Area, and International Archive)

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Naturally, I have also taken precautions to protect the identity of my informants in this book. 21 The only names I have preserved as real, where appropriate, are those of corporate and public officials as quoted in newspaper and magazine articles. The next two chapters review the literature on resource extraction, examine the historical background of extraction in Angola, and present the theoretical underpinnings of my analysis by exploring debates on the resource curse theory through the lens of political ecology.

37 Oil corporations are required to contract Teleservice, a private security company intimately tied to the Angolan military, to protect their installations. 38 The rotation of officials between public and private offices ensures their likeminded interest in supporting the extractive aims of both the government and transnational corporations. 39 As guests of oil executives enjoying elaborate dinners held in spacious apartments rented at a cost of $20,000 per month, poorly paid civil servants who feel they deserve similarly lavish lifestyles may use their positions to garner extra income.

44 Portugal granted Angola independence on November 11, 1975. Battles for leadership of the country continued between the FNLA, MPLA, and UNITA. 45 The MPLA defeated the FNLA in 1976, but the war between the MPLA and UNITA raged on. 46 They began to resent MPLA leaders for living comfortably as the colonial rulers had before them, ignoring the populace (Malaquias 2007:127). On May 27, 1977, Nito Alves and José van Dunem attempted a coup d’état against President Agostinho Neto. 47 The coup attempt afforded the MPLA the chance to dispatch party “members who—whether sympathetic to the coup plotters or not— defended a people-centred approach to post-colonial politics” (Malaquias 2007:127).

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