By Maulana Habib-ur-Rehman Qasmi

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The findings revealed that family and household circumstances vary considerably by gender, duration of stay and region of residence in the United Kingdom. Moreover, this particular use of LFS data helped ‘discuss the potential ways in which an uncovered diversity of living arrangements of Polish newcomers might shape their settlement practices’ (Osipovič 2007: 1) and migratory trajectories. 2 Registers and other administrative data Some scholars argue that register data may be the most comprehensive in the sense that no sampling is necessary.

It encapsulates flows of short-term labour migration of varying degrees of legality, without any settlement. It is mostly connected to work in a secondary segment of the labour market in a foreign country. This type of migration did not disappear after accession, but it has transformed in new forms: labour migrants travel over longer distances to new destination countries, and they may stay abroad for longer periods. Liquid migration is a post-accession phenomenon. Moreover, this behaviour is strongly facilitated by the free mobility of migrants within the EU.

Meardi analyses the dynamics of high-volume flows in a short period and finds that the duration of migration is more than three seasonal months but less than twelve, with a high share of single, unmarried migrants and high levels of involvement in trade unions. In their latest comprehensive study on post-accession migration from Poland, Grabowska-Lusinska and Okólski (2009) add credible evidence to the hypothesis that post-accession migration may have a unique impact on the Polish economy. The authors call this migration ‘ultimate’ and show that, for the first time in Polish history, modernisation may be enhanced through migration outflow.

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